[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":70},["ShallowReactive",2],{"author-307":3,"author-team-307":6,"author-work-307":7},{"id":4,"name":5,"image":6},307,"Jonathan Ambrogi",null,{"publications":8,"news":40},[9],{"id":10,"title":11,"slug":12,"image":13,"type":14,"date_published":17,"publisher":18,"summary":6,"body":19,"area":6,"programme":6,"languages":20,"countries":22,"tags":23},1777,"Corrupting the Environment: insights on corruption, the environment and illicit trade","corrupting-environment-insights-corruption-environment-and-illicit-trade","145440e8-0787-4f97-b6c2-53c5437824e3",[15,16],"Article","Report","2021-11-29","Basel Institute on Governance","This collection of insights on corruption, the environment and illicit trade emerges from the monthly \u003Ca href=\"https://baselgovernance.org/green-corruption/corrupting-environment\">Corrupting the Environment\u003C/a> webinar series between December 2020 and August 2021. \n\nA joint initiative of the Basel Institute on Governance and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the series brought together leading voices from the public and private sectors, academia and civil society. In lively panel discussions, they explored critical trends and shared recommendations for addressing the corruption that is destroying our planet and people's opportunities for sustainable development. \n\nThe publications below are adapted from summaries published on the Basel Institute following each event.\n\n ",[21],"English",[],[24,28,32,36],{"tags_id":25},{"id":26,"name":27},804,"Natural resources",{"tags_id":29},{"id":30,"name":31},848,"Behavioural science",{"tags_id":33},{"id":34,"name":35},1303,"Environment",{"tags_id":37},{"id":38,"name":39},1193,"Financial investigations",[41,55],{"id":42,"title":43,"slug":44,"image":45,"type":46,"date":47,"body":48,"language":6,"tags":49,"translations":54},9608,"Why do people poach, trade and buy protected wildlife – and what might change that behaviour?","why-do-people-poach-trade-and-buy-protected-wildlife-and-what-might-change-that-behaviour-2009","85195621-aaf5-46c3-a3ae-533888143764","Blog","2021-04-23","The fourth event of the [Corrupting the Environment](https://baselgovernance.org/green-corruption/corrupting-environment) webinar series co-hosted by the Basel Institute and the OECD focused on how behavioural approaches can and must complement interventions tackling illegal wildlife trade (IWT) and other environment crimes.\n\nThe panel comprised voices from practitioners, activists and policymakers, reflecting the variety of actors involved in fighting IWT. The panel’s moderator was Dr. Frédéric Boehm, Economist/Policy Analyst at the OECD. Gayle Burgess, Behavioural Change Programme Leader at TRAFFIC, Alex Ngabirano, Founder and Director of the Bwindi Development Network in Uganda, and Dr. Saba Kassa, Public Governance Specialist at the Basel Institute on Governance, participated as speakers.\n\n## Behaviour change approaches: a promising tool to fight green corruption?\n\nConservationists and anti-corruption practitioners are realising the power of applying insights from social and behavioural change theory when designing anti-IWT interventions. One of the ideas is that by influencing the social norms of target consumer groups, e.g. buyers of wildlife used for medicine, it is possible to trigger positive alternative behaviours which directly reduce the volume of IWT.\n\nGayle Burgess of TRAFFIC summarised the three different strategic approaches often found in behavioural change interventions:\n\n*   Advocacy: efforts aimed at changing the regulatory framework around IWT\n*   Social mobilisation: influencing the social norms surrounding IWT and that affect people’s perceptions of the issues and ethical norms\n*   Behaviour change communication aimed at switching a negative behaviour to a desirable one in conservation and wildlife management\n\nThe [INTEGRITY framework](https://www.worldwildlife.org/pages/tnrc-video-behavior-change-webinar) was developed as a memory aid for conservation practitioners to ensure they consider a behavioural change component when designing anti-corruption interventions.\n\nIt’s absolutely not about following a checklist, though. Before applying behavioural approaches, practitioners should carefully analyse the context and map the relevant actors. If, for instance, corruption is related to structural economic factors – like low wages for public officials – then behavioural insights may not change the target behaviour (e.g. accepting bribes) because the underlying driver of corruption is not addressed.\n\nHence, behavioural interventions are most effective when a previous in-depth context analysis has taken place and when part of a holistic approach.\n\n## Bwindi Development Network – a success story?  \n\nAlex Ngabirano is the founder and director of the [Bwindi Reformed Poachers project](http://bwindidevelopmentnetwork.org/) in Uganda, which aims to reform traditional poachers and help them transition into sustainable livelihood activities. Drawing on more than 20 years’ experience working to protect mountain gorillas and support Bwindi National Park’s frontline communities in Uganda, Alex works with former poachers who accepted to abandon their hunting tools to form their own association and participate in community projects. Some are directly involved in conservation activities; others lead tourist groups in the natural park. The revenue generated by these activities is reinvested in community education and development.\n\nFrom a behavioural insights perspective, former poachers promoting the messages to refrain from poaching is a very effective approach to change the norms and values around IWT within their community. For example, by highlighting the collective distress caused by poaching activities, reformed poachers can address the underlying motivation to engage in IWT.\n\nThe hope is that this successful model can be replicated in other national parks in Uganda, especially since the increasing price of IWT driven by higher global demand is fuelling more poaching in the country. Conservationists in other countries fighting rampant poaching and trafficking of wild animals would do well to consider this option.\n\n## What do behavioural change interventions in China, Vietnam and Uganda teach us?\n\nGayle Burgess shared key findings from TRAFFIC’s work using behavioural approaches to influence consumer demand in IWT in China and Vietnam.\n\nIn [China](https://www.traffic.org/site/assets/files/11081/demand_reduction_research_report.pdf), TRAFFIC worked with fifth-generation ivory carvers to re-purpose their skills using sustainable alternative materials. Results from evaluation surveys indicate that 30% to 40% of the workforce has adopted the desired behaviour and is now adopting sustainable materials.\n\nIn Vietnam, TRAFFIC’s survey suggested that illegal rhino horn was connected to prestige and status, mostly in the business community. So, TRAFFIC carried out an [extensive communication campaign](https://www.traffic.org/site/assets/files/8811/chi-initiative-briefing-paper.pdf) to change behaviours employing the Vietnamese concept of _Chi_ or _strength of will._ This reminded consumers that success and strength come from within and not from part of an endangered animal from a faraway land, shifting behaviours away from IWT use.\n\nWhat about behaviour at the other end of the supply chain, in source locations? Saba Kassa talked about the [research on the drivers of wildlife trafficking](https://baselgovernance.org/publications/working-paper-33-worms-eye-view-wildlife-trafficking-uganda-path-least-resistance) that the Basel Institute has carried out in Uganda under a project funded by PMI Impact. What emerged is that socio-economic drivers such as poverty and social pressure are compounded by strong narratives that legitimise engaging in the early stages of IWT, making it socially acceptable to accept bribes or not enforce regulations.\n\nThe research highlighted the importance of looking at people’s internal motivations and barriers to change behaviour while not losing sight of the socio-economic background and context conditions in which the intervention takes place.\n\nSo, behavioural change approaches are needed to change narratives, stereotypes and social norms that make engaging with IWT acceptable. These interventions also reinforce the importance of understanding the political economy, actors and power relations of the context where the intervention will take place. A holistic approach, engaging local communities and understanding the interplay of narratives and structural drivers of corruption, are some of the elements anyone designing an intervention and wanting it to be successful should consider.  \n\n## What can we do to support behavioural research and practice in IWT interventions?\n\nWe know that corruption facilitates IWT, but we don’t know exactly how, where or to what extent. In order to save the world’s last remaining endangered species from being butchered and transported across the oceans, we need more evidence. Perhaps we’re overstating the role of corruption as a major driver of IWT? Or perhaps smart anti-corruption interventions can cut a crucial link in the trafficking chain.\n\nSmarter monitoring and evaluation of counter-IWT interventions is one way to better understand the dynamics of corruption in a specific context, its biggest risks and its consequences for tackling IWT. The Basel Institute’s Green Corruption programme is [working with the Tackling Natural Resource Corruption (TNRC) project](https://baselgovernance.org/news/anti-corruption-approaches-protect-biodiversity-launch-new-green-corruption-collaboration-tnrc) to explore five crucial areas where corruption intersects with environmental crimes, including one joint component on behavioural interventions in collaboration with TRAFFIC.\n\nAnd as Alex Ngabirano emphasised, community education remains essential in combating IWT sustainably by empowering future generations.\n\n## Learn more\n\n*   View the [full webinar on YouTube](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wVxKI18XZSc).\n*   Learn more about the [Green Corruption programme](https://baselgovernance.org/green-corruption) and [Corrupting the Environment event series](https://baselgovernance.org/green-corruption/corrupting-environment).\n*   Read about another recent webinar on [behavioural insights to tackle corruption in a crisis](https://baselgovernance.org/blog/how-enhance-integrity-during-crises-lessons-behavioural-science), hosted by the Basel Institute's Public Governance team as Knowledge Partner at the 2021 OECD Global Anti-Corruption & Integrity Forum.",[50,52],{"tags_id":51},{"id":30,"name":31},{"tags_id":53},{"id":34,"name":35},[],{"id":56,"title":57,"slug":58,"image":59,"type":46,"date":60,"body":61,"language":6,"tags":62,"translations":69},9609,"How to enhance integrity during crises: lessons from behavioural science","how-to-enhance-integrity-during-crises-lessons-from-behavioural-science-2008","82be3e12-2443-4f36-b39b-0141a42f1473","2021-04-14","The following summary reflects key messages emerging from the [Harnessing the intangible: enhancing integrity during crises](https://baselgovernance.org/news/25-march-oecd-knowledge-partner-event-enhancing-integrity-during-crises) Knowledge Partner session on 25 March 2021 at the 2021 OECD Global Anti-Corruption & Integrity Forum.\n\nHosted by the Basel Institute and moderated by Claudia Baez Camargo, Head of Public Governance, the event explored how practitioners could tailor approaches to strengthen integrity during an emergency response to counter recurrent social norms and informal practices.\n\nThe panel incorporated a wide range of perspectives from health, anti-corruption and behavioural research, featuring Dina Balabanova and Eleanor Hutchinson of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, David Jackson of the U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, and Ruth Persian of The Behavioural Insights Team.\n\n## Why aren’t traditional approaches to tackling corruption and promoting integrity working?\n\nA key takeaway from the session is that mainstream anti-corruption interventions focusing on accountability, transparency and law enforcement measures have not been as effective as we would like in combatting corruption.\n\nCould this be because we don’t make enough effort to understand the local context, social networks and power dynamics in the target countries as well as individual actors’ experience and motivation? A growing body of evidence suggests so.\n\nFor example, [recent research](https://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/id/eprint/4659908/1/ACE-WorkingPaper014-NigeriaAbsenteeism-190916.pdf) carried out in Nigeria by the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine reveals that the causes of absenteeism among Nigerian health workers are much more complex than one might expect. They encompass economic pressures, structural inefficacies and managerial/organisational dynamics, with the research also emphasising that these are shaped by sociocultural factors and political relationships.\n\nWithout a more nuanced analysis of how and why people behave as they do and the context in which they make decisions, laws and rules alone are unlikely to change the drivers of corrupt behaviour. Initiatives are increasingly focusing on improving health system governance, but thinking about the “upstream” social and political factors is essential.\n\nExploring social norms can offer insights into the drivers of unethical/corrupt decision-making. For instance, the Basel Institute’s current [research project in Tanzania under the GI-ACE programme](https://ace.globalintegrity.org/projects/tanzhealth/) shines a spotlight on, among other things, social norms related to returning favours or serving family members first. Health workers are put under pressure to make special concessions to their kinship or those who offer gifts. If people follow these informal rules, merely changing or strengthening laws or rules will not get rid of the underlying drivers of corruption or violations of integrity.\n\nThe message is clear: when designing interventions, it is critical to first understand the context, including what social norms are at play and which behavioural and structural barriers to behaviour change the different actors face.\n\n## Are we less rational than we think – and even worse in a crisis?\n\nTraditional economic thinking has assumed that human beings are rational agents acting according to an analytical, cost/benefit analysis. In his best-selling book, _Thinking, Fast and Slow_, Daniel Kahneman referred to this as slow “System 2” thinking. In contrast, System 1 thinking is fast and automatic, and more susceptible to environmental influences and biases than we think.\n\nHowever, policies and systems are often designed with only System 2 in mind. Furthermore, in situations where decision-makers act under a lot of pressure and stress – as is the cases in crises –  evidence shows that System 1 is most likely to take over when making decisions.\n\nThis has to be taken into account when designing interventions. In the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, interventions could support medical staff and policy makers by simplifying how information is displayed and framed. For instance, a [study](https://www.bi.team/blogs/redesigning-hospital-prescription-charts-to-reduce-prescribing-errors/) showed how changing how prescription instructions are framed can lead a significant reduction in prescription errors in UK’s National Health Service (NHS).\n\nIt seems likely that this finding can be generalised: by providing information at the right time and an easily accessible format and by simplifying decision-making, people working under a lot of stress are supported to take the right course of action.\n\n## Do crises amplify integrity issues? Or is “crisis” mode quite normal?\n\nThe pandemic has merely exacerbated the fact that health systems around the world are in a constant state of crisis, with regular shortages and understaffing. This generates different pressures on staff workers, with a direct link to integrity issues.\n\nOne issue relates to the political economy of a country. For instance, sanctioning health workers for corrupt behaviour if they enjoy political protection may lead to severe consequences – like job losses – for head of departments. An intervention that does not take this into account would do more harm than good.\n\nGendered norms and expectations also drive behaviour. In the case of absenteeism among Nigerian health workers mentioned above, for example, female nurses are often expected to juggle their shifts with family care and contribution to the household economy (e.g. farming).\n\nMerely changing rules or management without understanding people’s behaviour and the expectations they face in a complex system will not yield the expected results. As for political power, understanding how social and family networks are structured and operate is key to designing effective anti-corruption interventions.\n\n## Harnessing behavioural insights to drive change\n\nA solid [political economy analysis](https://baselgovernance.org/public-governance/technical-assistance) will help build understanding among anti-corruption practitioners – but what should they do with that understanding? The next step is to understand how to use these insights into different networks to design more effective interventions. This is the idea behind another GI-ACE project led by the Basel Institute on [Harnessing Informality: Designing Anti-Corruption Network Interventions and Strategic Use of Legal Instruments](https://ace.globalintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/BC_ext_project.pdf).\n\nTo continue with the example of absenteeism among health workers, individuals who are negatively affected by this (more working hours, more pressure due to the added activities related to the Covid-19 responses) may be more likely to support an intervention to address the issue.\n\nSo, clearly identifying networks of allies with a reason to support a change in favour of integrity should be an essential step of any intervention.\n\n## How social norms affect behaviour – for better or for worse\n\nAnother interesting point raised during the session was how we all belong to different reference groups which form part of our identity. Social norms stem from these reference groups and influence our behaviours in different ways.\n\nWe follow descriptive norms because they relate to common behaviour, whereas we respect injunctive norms because we think that _others_ think these behaviours are socially appropriate. For example, assisting our family materially because we think that others perceive this as the right thing to do. \n\nThese last norms generate social pressure as we are scared by the social sanctions we would incur by violating them. Social norms become particularly salient during crises when, as mentioned above, System 1 thinking is likely to take over in stressful situations where actors need to make fast decisions under a lot of pressure.\n\nRather than changing social norms, perhaps the objective in the Covid-19 crisis and more generally should therefore be relieve individuals from the pressures generated by the norms.\n\nNorms of elites need careful consideration. Cases of decision-makers violating social distancing norms may make it permissible to violate health guidelines in the eyes of the public. However, research shows that trend-setters – i.e. people within groups leading by example by adopting virtuous behaviours associated with social norms (like respecting social distancing) – play an equally important role in changing undesirable behaviours associated with social norms. Revealing information about these virtuous behaviours within reference groups can incentivise others to change their own behaviour vis-à-vis a social norm.\n\nAnother option that requires careful consideration and handling – and a deep understanding of political economy, behaviours and norms – is for governments to publicly condemn corrupt behaviour using normative interventions, for example naming and shaming individuals who violated covid-19 regulations.\n\n## Can social norms be changed?\n\nSo: relieving individuals from the pressures generated by social norms is one avenue for intervention. Another common form of intervention aims to correct people’s incorrect perceptions of social norms. More drastically, perhaps some norms need to change in order to form the basis of a stronger, healthier and more resilient society. Is this possible?\n\nThe short answer that emerged at the session is yes. Three elements must be present:\n\n*   People need a reason to change.\n*   People must trust each other.\n*   A mechanism must be in place to let change occur (e.g. a civic space).\n\nThis implies that changing social norms to encourage integrity is a collective effort. It is also an immensely challenging one – but nonetheless essential if we wish to enhance integrity during crises as well as during “business as usual”.\n\n## Learn more\n\n*   Read more about our Public Governance team’s [research on social norms and related factors here](https://baselgovernance.org/public-governance/research-projects).\n*   Learn more about the UK-funded Anti-Corruption Evidence (ACE) programme and its two components: [SOAS-ACE](https://ace.soas.ac.uk/) (led by SOAS University of London) and [GI-ACE](https://ace.globalintegrity.org/) (led by Global Integrity).\n*   Read a publication on the [London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine (LSHTM)](LSHTM)  website by Dr Dina Balabanova (LSHTM), Professor Obinna Onwujekwe (University of Nigeria) and Dr Eric Umar (University of Malawi) on [Understanding and eliminating health sector corruption impeding UHC at district level in Nigeria and Malawi: institutions, individuals and incentives](https://www.lshtm.ac.uk/research/centres-projects-groups/understanding-and-eliminating-health-systems-corruption).\n*   Watch a [video recording of the session on YouTube](https://youtu.be/ffVS76k4qNg).",[63,65],{"tags_id":64},{"id":30,"name":31},{"tags_id":66},{"id":67,"name":68},1381,"Health",[],1784560125262]